Geopolitical risks: Kenya, Somalia at impasse over miraa Trade
October 17, 2020 - Written by admin
Kenya,
Somalia relations have been at their lowest point in years as the two countries
clashed over Indian Ocean Maritime claims, Kenya’s plan to build 700km border
fence and more recently Somalia miraa ban which is a two-edged sword – an
epoch-making measure for Somalia but angers Kenya.
Over
half a million Kenyan farmers depend on the cultivation of miraa for their
livelihood. In 2016 President Uhuru Kenyata signed into a law a Bill that
categorises miraa as cash crop and allocated miraa farmers Sh1 billion to deal
with market shocks.
Kenya’s
biggest miraa export market is Somalia. Around 20 cargo planes full of
miraa/khat arrive in Somalia daily. But ironically, these planes fly back to
Kenya completely empty. No wonder why the Somalia-Kenya trade deficit is so
huge. The Somalia’s exported goods such
as fisheries products are being shut out of the Kenyan market. In 2018, Lamu
East Fishermen Association urged President Kenyata to ban fish from Somalia. As
a result, in June 2019 Kenya imposed cross-border trade ban on Somali’s
seafood.
Somalia
miraa ban
In
March 2020, Somalia banned importation of miraa from Kenya as part of measures
to contain the spread of Covid-19. Coronavirus is the trigger for the latest
miraa ban in Somalia but the problems of miraa run deeper than what is seen on
the service. Miraa/khat is to blame for a lot of the socio-economic ills in
Somalia such as family disintegration, poverty, and health problems. The
consumption of miraa/khat in Somalia is more prevalent among people with a
lower socio-economic status. Miraa cost on average $6 a bunch/marduuf-500g
(pre-ban price). It accounts for a greater share of the consumer’s expenditure.
From
the 1960s onwards the consumption of miraa in Somalia became alarmingly pervasive.
According to a study done in 1983 by Abdullahi S. Elmi of Somali National
University “on average 40% of adult males in Somalia regularly consumed khat.
Equally the adverse health and social consequences of khat usage in Somalia
became notable. Thus, In 1983 Siad Barre’s regime introduced a law banning the
planting, importation and consumption of khat.
According to 1987 UNODC report on khat “The programme for eradication of
khat and its consumption following the prohibition law of 1983 has been successful”.
The adverse effect of khat on socio-economic and health conditions of the
people were improved. And more importantly the hard currency used to purchase
miraa were significantly reduced. Unfortunately, the ban was eventually lifted
in 1989 owing to domestic political turmoil, weakened state institutions and
corruption.
In
May 2016, miraa was banned in Somalia again. The former president of Somalia
Hassan Sheikh Mohamud said “khat is a drug that has had adverse socio-economic
consequences on the public”. However, this time the ban did not last long. The
ban on miraa export from Kenya was lifted with immediate effect following a
meeting between the two head of states in the 28th IGAD Summit of Heads of
State held Somalia’s capital Mogadishu on 13/09/2016. Unlike the ending of
miraa ban in 1989 which was a unilateral decision by the Somali government, the
decision to lift the blockade of miraa imports in 2016 came after the Somali
government succumbed to Kenya pressures- diverting all planes from Somalia to
Wajir county airport for security checks, arbitrary arrests of Somalis in
Nairobi, banking and financial sanctions on Somali business community in
Kenya and some other provocative
actions!
Global
miraa ban
The
spread of khat consumption and its negative effects has become a major concern
for policy makers, academia, and civil society organisations around the
world. Dr A A Gunaid, Faculty of
Medicine and Health Sciences, University of Sana’a, says “Khat chewers
experience euphoria followed by depression, while people who are genetically
predisposed are extremely vulnerable to psychosis”. Dr Gunaid also argues that there is a
correlation between khat usage and decreased economic productivity. Moreover a
research article published in 2013 by Sophie Thomas of Lancaster University, UK
and Tim William of University of Bristol, UK indicates “there are two main
areas where khat may contribute to a shortening of life : in cases of liver
failure and myocardial infarction”.
Consequently,
the trade and the possession of the substance has been made illegal in many
parts of the world. In January 2012 the Dutch government banned the use of
miraa/khat. It has been classified under the List II (soft drugs) of the Opium
Act (Opiumwet). In June 2014 UK followed suit and classified miraa/khat as a
class C drug and banned all imports. Khat is also banned in majority of EU and
G8 countries including USA and Canada.
What
is the bigger picture?
Leaders
from miraa growing regions in Kenya and anti-khat campaigners in Somalia ramp
up pressure on their respective governments.
Kenyan government assigns higher importance to the miraa issue than the
maritime dispute between her and Somalia as miraa is both a cash crop and a top
issue for voters. The miraa farmers,
traders and elected leaders from Meru recently threatened that they will resort
to mass protests if the miraa issue is not resolved by Kenyan government.
On
the other hand, a deep anti-khat sentiment is sweeping across Somalia. Abukar
Awale of Qaad-diid foundation – an ex addict, who tirelessly campaigned for the
miraa ban in UK, is now leading the Somalia miraa ban campaign. Mr Awale
recently urged president Farmaajo not to give in to the pressure from Uhuru to
lift the miraa ban.
In
2016 ahead of lifting the miraa ban, Somalia demanded that Kenya respects the
sovereignty and territorial integrity of Somalia. It was hoped but failed to
materialise. On February 27, 2020,
Permanent Representative of Federal Republic of Somalia to the UN, Abukar
Osman, told the Security Council that “Kenya continues to be a destabilising
force in Somalia, negating its engagement in AMISOM. Somalia strongly condemns
such blatant violations and will take all measures to defend its sovereignty
and unity, in accordance with international law. It will invoke article 35 if
Kenya does not cease its actions”.
From
the collapse of Somali state in 19991 up until recently, Kenya enjoyed a high
degree of leverage over Somalia. But the Kenyan patron-client relationship with
some of the Somali politicians and business elites is coming to an end as
Somalia stands tall against Kenyan aggression.
Somalia has repeatedly rejected calls to withdraw from the maritime
dispute case at The Hague. Somalia has also rejected to lift the miraa ban
despite the resumption of international flights on August 3, 2020 after months
of Covid-19 restrictions.
To
make matters worse, it is believed that Kenya armed a proxy force- Jubaland
militia. Earlier this year, Turkey trained Somali special forces (Gorgor
Brigade) and Jubaland militia backed by Kenya clashed at the border town of
Bula Hawa. It was reported that the fighting spilled into Kenyan town of
Mandera. According to BBC “The Kenyan president warned Somalia to stop
provoking Kenya by violating its territorial integrity, saying the Somali army
had fought on Kenyan land, creating tension and harassing residents”.
These
events have serious implication for the region and beyond. There is a risk that
this dangerous stalemate could truly spiral out of control. Three weeks ago the
Kenyan Army invaded in Yado village near Elwak district of Gedo region in
Somalia killing a civilian and abducted three others.
Key issues at stake include: the fight against terrorism, Dadaab refugee camp, the movement of people and political and economic integration of Horn of Africa. Additionally, increased enmity between the two countries could invigorate the NFD secession movement in Kenya and at the same time revive the desires of reclamation of NFD within Somalia.
Finally,
it is apparent that the miraa trade in Somalia is unsustainable due to its
negative impact on society. Even if the Somali government decides to lift the
miraa ban, the issue of miraa in Somalia will never go away. Thus, Kenya should
seek alternative markets for its miraa and stop meddling in Somalia’s domestic
affairs.